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La prima prova empirica ci arriva da Google Trends: nella settimana appena trascorsa, la parola Isis è stata digitata nel motore di ricerca il 98% in meno dello stesso periodo di tre anni fa. Tre anni fa, e precisamente a cavallo del 13 novembre 2015, c’erano purtroppo solide e tragiche ragioni per inserire quel termine nella barra di ricerca: un commando di assassini collegato al sedicente Stato islamico aveva appena ucciso 130 persone in Francia, di cui 90 soltanto al Bataclan di Parigi.
Ma anche rispetto allo stesso periodo del 2016, il calo di interesse nei confronti dell’Isis è evidente, criminal due terzi delle ricerche in meno in 24 mesi. Che si tratti di dati raccolti su scala globale, o anche soltanto per quanto riguarda l’Italia, il risultato non cambia. Ma se l’interesse del pubblico per le sorti dello Stato Islamico sembra diminuito, che ne è stato dell’organizzazione che in meno di un lustro ha conquistato intere regioni della Siria e dell’Iraq, sponsorizzato attentati in tutta Europa e fatto tremare l’Occidente? Non se ne sente più parlare, o quasi, perché il peggio è passato o solo perché i media sono concentrati su altro?
Negli ultimi mesi il presidente degli Stati Uniti Donald Trump ha fatto più volte sfoggio dei successi della sua amministrazione nella distruzione del califfato islamico.
A settembre è iniziata una battaglia lunga e importante presso la città siriana di Hajin, nella parte orientale del paese, criminal le Forze democratiche siriane (Sdf), una coalizione di arabi e di curdi appoggiata dagli Stati Uniti che potrebbe spazzare around quella che da molti è considerata l’ultima vera roccaforte dell’Isis.
Eppure lo stesso Pentagono ha smentito l’ottimismo di Trump, spiegando che il gruppo terrorista è “ben posizionato per ricostituirsi” e che “probabilmente ha più capacità di Al-Qaida in Iraq quando epoch al suo apice, nel 2006-2007”, come ha dichiarato un portavoce del dipartimento della Difesa statunitense.
Un commento che non è affatto isolato. Secondo una stima recente dell’ispettorato generale del Pentagono, i militanti attivi dell’Isis in Siria e in Iraq sono tra le 28mila e le 32mila unità. Cifre simili le aveva calcolate un rapporto delle Nazioni Unite lo scorso luglio, che parlava di un numero tra i 20 e i 30mila miliziani divisi tra i due paesi. Sono indagini che ci dicono che, dopo quattro anni di conflitto, dopo 24mila bombardamenti e dopo una spesa di circa 14,3 miliardi di dollari, l’esercito islamista ha suppergiù la stessa consistenza di quella registrata al massimo della sua forma, nel 2015, quando l’intelligence americana parlava di 33mila miliziani arruolati.
Se il califfato in quanto entità politica è stato distrutto, o perlomeno è rimasto un’ombra di ciò che epoch (era arrivato a controllare un’area grande quanto il Regno Unito) questo non vuol apocalyptic che la sua minaccia è diminuita. Certo, le sue risorse umane, tra volontari e coscritti, sono sparpagliate tra due stati, le provviste saccheggiate negli anni di conquista si stanno esaurendo, e gli attacchi in grande stile diventano sempre più difficili. Ma l’Isis sta compiendo sempre più frequentemente, come riporta il Washington Post – azioni self-murder meagre tra l’Iraq e la Siria, colpendo le infrastrutture e i civili, soprattutto. Un attacco kamikaze multiplo nella provincia di Sweida, un’area della Siria meridionale, pochi mesi fa ha fatto oltre 200 morti.
Secondo l’esperto di terrorismo Bendaudi Abdelillah, la distruzione dell’Isis in quanto minaccia militare epoch piuttosto prevedibile, perché uno dei motori che alimentavano la forza propulsiva del califfato – sia dal punto di perspective ideologico che strategico – epoch la conquista continua: di territori, città, ricchezze e prigionieri. Fermata l’espansione dell’Isis, resta da affrontare la sua ideologia. La narrazione occidentale, ha spiegato Abdelillah su Al Jazeera, è straordinariamente miope nell’interpretazione delle means alla radice del terrorismo: il risentimento del Medio Oriente, il fallimento delle guerre al terrore e delle primavere arabe, su tutti.
Sulla rivista NATO Review, la ricercatrice Vera Mironova ha spiegato come, sebbene delusi nelle loro aspettative dalla realtà quotidiana del califfato, molti militanti fuoriusciti dall’Isis si ritrovino abbandonati a sé stessi, cittadini apolidi senza documenti e mezzi di sostentamento, impossibili da reintegrare nella società e criminal la guerra armata come unica qualifica nel curriculum. Con un Iraq e una Siria ancora preda dell’anarchia in buona parte del loro territorio, e la restante ancora da ricostruire, questi ex soldati potrebbero diventare facilmente preda di altre organizzazioni criminali, dedite allo strozzinaggio e ai furti.
La ricetta consigliata dagli esperti, come sempre in questi casi, è un brew di buon senso e buona volontà: tracciare le parabole degli ex combattenti, investire nei programmi di de-radicalizzazione dei territori, affrontare la discriminazione e la qualità della vita che può aver spinto cittadini qualsiasi a scegliere la around della guerra santa.
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Le nombre de personnes portées disparues dans l’incendie qui harm le nord de la Californie a grimpé vendredi à and de 1.000.
Le nombre de personnes portées disparues dans l’incendie qui harm le nord de la Californie a grimpé vendredi à and de 1.000, ont rapporté les autorités. Le nombre de disparus, qui inclut possiblement des personnes qui ont échappé aux flammes et ignorent qu’elles sont depuis portées manquantes, est passé de 631 jeudi à 1.011, a indiqué lors d’une conférence de presse le shérif du comté de Butte, Kory Honea.
Huit nouvelles victimes
Les autorités annonçant huit victimes supplémentaires, le bilan provisoire de l’incendie “Camp Fire” est désormais de 71 morts.
“Je veux que vous compreniez que c’est une liste qui évolue”, a précisé Kory Honea. “L’information que je vous apporte est une donnée beast et nous estimons qu’il y a une possibilité prévisible que la liste contienne des noms en double”, a ajouté le shérif.
Lire aussi :Incendies en Californie : la quête désespérée de Jhonathan flow retrouver son frère disparu
Le président américain Donald Trump est attendu samedi sur le terrain, à la rencontre des victimes de cet incendie le and meurtrier de l’histoire de la Californie, qui s’est déclenché le jeudi 8 novembre. Ce gigantesque incendie était toujours loin d’être totalement maîtrisé, contenu à 45% vendredi matin selon les services des pompiers. Il avait décimé près de 10.000 habitations et brûlé and de 55.000 hectares.
Dans le sud de l’Etat, près de Los Angeles, le “Woolsey Fire” a brûlé près de 40.000 hectares depuis jeudi dernier, dont une partie de la hire balnéaire Malibu prisée des stars. Il a fait au moins trois morts.
Despite six weeks of inhuman denials by Saudi Arabia, U.S. comprehension has resolved that a kingdom’s desirous immature climax prince, Mohammed Bin Salman, privately systematic a execution of publisher Jamal Khashoggi, who was killed in Istanbul final month, a Washington Post reported late Friday. The U.S. comment was reportedly formed on a flourishing array of tough information as good as a psychological examine of a thirty-three-year-old prince. The many ban and specific comprehension was supposing by Turkey, including audio recordings of a murder inside a Saudi consulate and a call from a tactful goal behind to Saudi Arabia immediately afterwards. Turkey common both with a C.I.A. executive Gina Haspel. But a United States also had a possess electronic intercepts of conversations, some retrieved in a hunt of a electronic repository after Khashoggi’s murder on Oct 2nd, a Post reported. One was reportedly between a climax prince’s hermit Khalid, who was a Saudi Ambassador to Washington during a time, and Khashoggi, who was told to go to Istanbul to get central papers proof his divorce so he could remarry.
The C.I.A. comment contradicts a Saudi chronicle of events, that was expelled usually a day earlier.
With a true face, a Saudi unfamiliar minister, Adel al-Jubeir, explained a murder of Jamal Khashoggi to a organisation of reporters on Thursday by saying, dismissively, “Sometimes mistakes happen.” The dominion wrapped adult a review by charging eleven men—five face a genocide penalty—and charity nonetheless a fourth (or is it now a fifth?) chronicle of a Washington Post columnist’s execution. The Saudis primarily claimed that Khashoggi left a Saudi consulate alive. It after certified that he’d died—but usually after he instituted a fistfight and succumbed to a throttle reason meant simply to overpower him. At a time, al-Jubeir insisted that Khashoggi’s physique had been rolled adult in a runner and taken out of a consulate in one piece. The supervision after certified that he’d been dismembered. Now it’s claiming that Khashoggi was tied adult and injected with an overdose of a opiate that incidentally killed him.
“May Allah rest his soul,” a Saudi review concluded.
The proclamation generated some-more questions than answers. The suspects were not named. The dominion still claims not to know where Khashoggi’s physique is, given a agents gave his stays to a “local collaborator” whose name it allegedly does not know. (It pronounced it supposing a severe “sketch” to Turkish officials.) It offering no reason of given one of a fifteen men—the same tallness and girth as Khashoggi—donned a journalist’s wardrobe after his genocide and walked around Istanbul, afterwards switched behind to his wardrobe in a open restroom, after that he tossed what seemed to be Khashoggi’s trousers and coupler into a dumpster. And afterwards there is a untimely emanate of a bone saw suggested in a confidence X-ray of a Saudis’ luggage.
The kingdom’s review is increasingly apropos a farce. Reading between a lines, a news seemed dynamic many of all to opposite a widespread guess that Saudi Arabia’s immature de facto ruler, Crown Prince Mohammed, or M.B.S. as he’s popularly known, was behind a operation.
“The climax king had 0 to do with this issue,” al-Jubeir told a press conference, in Riyadh. “The critique and extreme attacks targeting a dominion are groundless and illogical.” He affianced that all concerned would be punished and then, curiously, combined that Saudi agents would not rivet in such acts in a future.
Instead of easing inspection of a kingdom, a prince’s middle round is usually digging a deeper hole for itself, U.S. congressional officials, former U.S. diplomats, and experts on Saudi Arabia told me. “Given a final inlet of a regime, it is formidable to suppose that a murder was undertaken though a capitulation or bargain of comparison officials,” James Smith, a former U.S. Ambassador to Riyadh, told me. “Without some grade of transparency, we are left with ‘trust me.’ ”
The Saudi review is merely “a feeble finished coverup,” Bruce Riedel, a former comparison C.I.A. researcher who also served in a White House and a Pentagon, told me. “Their story line is totally implausible—a organisation of fifteen killers travels to Istanbul where they take assign of a tactful trickery with no instructions from a Saudi care and kill Jamal Khashoggi. The designer of a murder is positively a climax prince, that is given there is a coverup.”
The dominion wants a tangible executioners of a crime “to be seen to be punished,” Gregory Gause, a conduct of a Bush School of Government and Public Service during Texas A. M., told me. “In terms of final a blame of a tip levels of a Saudi government, including a Crown Prince, a review has 0 credibility.”
The Trump Administration, on a other hand, appears peaceful to buy a latest Saudi story—and even to promote it. Within hours of a Saudi announcement, a Treasury Department imposed mercantile sanctions on seventeen Saudis, including some of a climax prince’s closest advisers. The Treasury Secretary, Steve Mnuchin, pronounced that a organisation had “targeted and brutally killed a publisher who resided and worked in a United States” and contingency face a consequences for an “abhorrent” murder.
Yet a sanctions will have singular impact—if any—on organisation already detained in Saudi Arabia. And a Trump Administration was substantially forced to act after Congress, final month, invoked a Magnitsky Act, that requires a White House to levy sanctions for vital human-rights violations within a hundred and twenty-days. Gause described a U.S. pierce as a “minimum response.”
“The Treasury sanctions are mostly symbolic,” Riedel, a author of “Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and a United States Since FDR,” told me. “The Administration is perplexing desperately to save M.B.S. from a consequences of his bad judgment.”
This week, both Republicans and Democrats have voiced doubt about a White House’s intentions. “The Administration appears to be following a Saudi playbook of blaming mid-level officials and exonerating a leadership,” Senator Tim Kaine, a Democrat from Virginia, where Khashoggi resided after he went into outcast final year, said. Ben Cardin, of Maryland, a comparison Democrat on a Senate Foreign Relations Committee, charged that President Trump is “enabling” a dominion “in a bid to strengthen Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman from accountability.”
On Wednesday, Senator Lindsey Graham, a Republican of South Carolina, who is mostly a defender of Trump, pronounced that a absolute king “has been inconstant and unreliable, and we don’t see a conditions removing bound as prolonged as he’s around.” The stakes in unravelling a Khashoggi murder sputter good over a dried dominion and opposite a wider Middle East. Three of President Trump’s many critical foreign-policy strategies—squeezing Iran, an Arab-Israeli assent plan, and containing jihadi extremism—rely on support from Saudi Arabia, and therefore on M.B.S., given he has combined control over all a kingdom’s vital political, military, and mercantile decisions.
Since Khashoggi’s murder, a Administration has even explored authorised ways to get a Turkish President, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, to palliate off vigour on Saudi Arabia—and hindrance a deleterious leaks that he has done per a case, NBC News reported on Thursday. The White House has deliberate acceding to Erdoğan’s direct that Washington expatriate Fethullah Gülen, a renouned Turkish minister who has resided in Pennsylvania given 1999. Once an fan of a Turkish leader, Gülen was blamed by Erdoğan for a manoeuvre try opposite him, in 2016. Gülen, whose backers run schools and businesses around a world, denied a charge.
The mood on Capitol Hill, though, is increasingly angry—at both Saudi Arabia and a White House. This week, a bipartisan organisation of senators due punitive legislation on a kingdom. The check includes a sweeping embargo on sales of descent weapons—munitions, bombs, missiles, aircraft, armored vehicles, and tanks—and use of U.S. aircraft to refuel Saudi warplanes in a three-year-old fight on Yemen. The beginning was instituted by Graham, Todd Young, a Republican of Indiana, and Robert Menendez, a Democrat of New Jersey.
In a statement, a Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, pronounced that a United States would continue to “seek all applicable facts” and work with other nations to examine Khashoggi’s murder. Yet a Administration has offering few of a possess insights into his genocide given a executive of a C.I.A., Gina Haspel, flew to Istanbul final month to be briefed and, among other things, listen to an audio recording of Khashoggi’s death. “The U.S. knows some-more about this than it is saying,” Gause told me.
Meanwhile, Khashoggi’s son Salah posted a social-media notice on Thursday, observant that a family would start to “accept condolences” during their father’s home in Jeddah—certain days for men, other days for women, as compulsory in a firm kingdom. For weeks, Khashoggi’s sons have appealed to a Saudi supervision to lapse their father’s physique so he could be buried in Medina, his birthplace. That appears increasingly unlikely. A comparison confidant to a Turkish President recently purported that Khashoggi’s physique was substantially dissolved in acid. “The reason they dismembered Khashoggi’s physique was to disintegrate his stays some-more easily,” Yasin Aktay told a Turkish media. “Now we see that they not usually dismembered his physique though also vaporized it.”
It was as heartless and open as a West Wing dispute can be. “Whatever a circumstances—fair or unfair, we don’t know how we redeem from that,” a former National Security Council central pronounced to me on Wednesday, a day after a bureau of First Lady Melania Trump released a overwhelming matter office for a depart of Mira Ricardel, a emissary inhabitant confidence adviser. As of now, it appears that Ricardel can’t recover. By Wednesday, Press Secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders reliable Ricardel would no longer be a No. 2 central on a N.S.C. and a trainer after pronounced he wanted to get her a good office elsewhere in a administration. But by Friday afternoon, it was still misleading where she would finish adult in a administration. “I can’t suppose her alighting anywhere,” a former administration central who worked with Ricardel told me.
Ricardel, who assimilated a Trump administration in Apr as National Security Adviser John Bolton’s deputy, fast grown a repute for being some-more disintegrating than her famously disintegrating boss, racking adult enemies and creation few allies. Bolton had been postulated an grant of sorts from Chief of Staff John Kelly’s central regime, with all a attendant hierarchies, so maybe Ricardel had felt empowered to act in kind. Among those who have crossed paths with her, Ricardel’s dustup with a East Wing came as small surprise. “She’s one of a meanest people we have ever dealt with,” a former administration central said.
While Melania and Ricardel have never met, tensions between their offices flared brazen of a First Lady’s outing to Africa final month. One emanate was who would fly with Melania, a source informed with a conditions said. Ricardel had requested seats aboard a craft for herself and other N.S.C. staff, that would have taken divided space indifferent for press. When a East Wing motionless there wasn’t room for N.S.C. staffers, Ricardel grew angry, according to a source, and threatened to secrete N.S.C. resources from a trip.
Ricardel done a vicious miscalculation, N.S.C. veterans told me. “It was only approaching that we would be a full use provider to a First Lady’s bureau in terms of creation certain that they were substantively prepared in a approach that they felt they indispensable for that travel. And that would embody promulgation staff along during whatever turn a First Lady’s bureau wanted,” a former N.S.C. central said. “It is roughly like a one-way relationship, like a patron relationship, that is like ‘the trainer is always right here,’” a former central continued, describing a normal interplay between a dual offices. “If there was conflict, it would seem to me that it would tumble on a N.S.C. staff to make it right. . . . Ordinarily, we would hook over retrograde to make certain that a First Lady’s bureau had literally whatever it needed.”
Ultimately, a contretemps garnered a courtesy of Kelly, Bolton, and Donald Trump. The First Lady reportedly voiced concerns that Ricardel and other members of a N.S.C. staff were leaking disastrous stories to a press. (Perhaps many notably, Melania was criticized over reports that her hotel check in Cairo cost taxpayers scarcely $100,000—and a First Lady didn’t even stay a night. On Friday, another news remarkable that she had incurred an even heftier hotel check in Toronto final year.) No open movement was taken for weeks. Then, on Tuesday, a First Lady’s bureau released a strange decree. “It is a position of a Office of a First Lady that she no longer deserves a honour of portion in this White House,” Stephanie Grisham, Melania’s communications director, pronounced in a statement. Of a dustup, a comparison White House central said,“Both a trainer and staff opposite a West Wing were broke and undone by a actions of a First Lady’s staff.”
Ricardel praised a First Lady, a president, and Bolton in a matter on Friday. “It’s been an honour to offer a President as Deputy National Security Adviser. I’m unapproachable of my reign assisting Ambassador Bolton build and lead a different group while operative opposite a interagency to exercise a President’s inhabitant confidence agenda,” she said. “I admire a President and First Lady and have good honour for my colleagues who are dedicated to ancillary a President’s policies, and we demeanour brazen to operative with them in a months ahead.”
But it stays misleading what Ricardel’s subsequent act will be. In a statement, President Trump said, “Mira Ricardel will continue to support a President as she departs a White House to transition to a new purpose within a Administration,” and pronounced that he was “grateful for Ms. Ricardel’s continued use to a American people and her indifferent office of his inhabitant confidence priorities.”
On Friday, Bloomberg reported that Ricardel had been offering a purpose of U.S. envoy to Estonia, though that she incited down a far-flung opportunity. The comparison White House central told me Friday, “The trainer wants to find her a good position,” and pronounced Ricardel has “been presented scarcely a dozen positions from that to choose.” Of course, Ricardel’s choices will expected tumble distant brief of her prior gig. Some consider she could merely finish adult as another square of Trump administration jetsam. The former administration central posited that another White House purpose was off a list and that Ricardel’s tarnished repute and really open banishment would expected bar her from alighting a Senate-confirmed position. “So what’s left? A low-level domestic office during an agency?” this chairman said. “Don’t consider she would take that.”
This post has been updated.
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Christophe Castaner a annoncé samedi en fin de journée que quelque 244.000 personnes ont participé samedi aux différents blocages organisés par les “gilets jaunes” partout en France.
Les “gilets jaunes” étaient 244.000 samedi partout en France à manifester contre la hausse des taxes sur les carburants, selon un communiqué du ministre de l’Intérieur en fin de journée.
Suivez notre direct sur les comptes de @pau_lallement et @jupelerin
52 interpellations et 38 gardes à vue
Plusieurs incidents graves ont eu lieu sur des points de blocage dans le pays : une manifestante a été tuée en Savoie et plus de 106 personnes ont été blessées dont cinq gravement selon le ministre Christophe Castaner.
Voir aussi :Une femme tuée, plusieurs blessés : le bilan à la mi-journée des manifestations des “gilets jaunes”
Les forces de l’ordre ont interpellé 52 personnes. Parmi elles, 38 ont été placées en garde à vue.
A la mi-journée, le ministère de l’Intérieur avait évoqué plus de 2.000 rassemblements en France mobilisant 124.000 personnes. Il avait dénombré cinq “situations notables”, qui “ont nécessité l’intervention des forces de l’ordre”: au niveau du pont de Normandie, du tunnel du Mont-Blanc, sur l’A16 au niveau de Grande-Synthe, sur l’A31 en Meurthe-et-Moselle et sur l’A9 à proximité de Nîmes.
Lors d’un “point de situation” tenu à la mi-journée à Beauvau, Christophe Castaner et Laurent Nuñez, le secrétaire d’Etat auprès du ministre, avaient rappelé aux préfets les consignes: “privilégier le dialogue, intervenir quand le maintien de l’ordre public l’exige, relever les infractions”. “Aucun blocage total ne sera toléré de l’Intérieur”, avaient-ils rappelé, selon un communiqué.
Les deux hommes avaient “fait part de leur vive émotion et de leur tristesse à la suite du décès accidentel” d’une manifestante, intervenu samedi matin sur un barrage au Pont-de-Beauvoisin (Savoie), et adressent leurs condoléances aux proches de la victime. “Ce tragique accident est l’illustration des risques que fait conduire l’organisation de manifestations non déclarées sur la voie publique”, indiquaient-ils.
“She took the facts and in a natural way charged them with tension; she intensified reality as she reduced it to words, she injected it with energy.” That is Elena Greco, the narrator of the novel “My Brilliant Friend,” talking about Lila Cerullo, the brilliant friend of the title and the other main character in Elena Ferrante’s Neapolitan quartet, a series of novels about two girls growing up in working-class Italy in the nineteen-fifties. Elena, known as Lenu, finds Lila’s way of speaking electrifying. But her analysis also applies to Ferrante, who imbues the details of chores and school with a crackling power that is difficult to describe or account for. Something happens when Ferrante reduces reality to words; the lines move like a child darting through traffic. How do you translate such forceful, hypnotic expression to the screen? That challenge both shapes and bedevils HBO’s new television adaptation of “My Brilliant Friend,” directed by Saverio Costanzo.
The Neapolitan novels follow Lenu and Lila as they support and compete with each other in a town shadowed by poverty and political strife. Lila is fierce, impossible, and uncanny. “She always did the things I was supposed to do, before me and better than me,” Lenu says. “She eluded me when I chased her, and at the same time, she kept on my heels to overtake me.” Lila, a shoemaker’s daughter, excels at school but quits to help her father at his shop, while Lenu keeps on, applying herself to Latin and Greek. Who will earn praise as a scholar, and who will inspire envy as a wife, and which option is more desirable? These are the questions haunting this first phase of their friendship.
One tenet of the Ferrante critical-industrial complex is that Ferrante’s novels have a dark, fairy-tale quality, as if some mysterious logic were at work beneath the surfaces of things. (“My Brilliant Friend” features a village, an ogre, and magical shoes.) Characters are deep and complicated; their interactions are charged. Everything feels meaningful, but the meanings are slippery and dangerous. “I had the impression that . . . many things, too many, were scattering around me without letting me grasp them,” Lenu says. This intimation of hidden, roiling histories and repressed understandings can seem like the book’s governing sensation.
It’s not a quality that transfers intuitively from page to screen, even if you are liberal with voice-overs. (Costanzo is, and he plucks lines from the novel that heighten the tantalizing secrecy: “Up or down, it seemed to us that we were always going toward something terrible that had existed before us yet had always been waiting for us.”) The show inhabits an unstable limbo between neorealism and creeping horror. As in the books, an older Lenu narrates from the present day. One cannot, therefore, be sure if a given scene represents how things were, how they appeared to a young child, or how memory has refined or fantasy has furnished the events. The dusty streets of the village, awash in period detail, look lifted from archival photographs. Then Lenu recalls how, as a girl, she believed that imperceptible creatures climbed out of the ground; onscreen, a sea of red bugs crawls inside a sleeping woman’s mouth. This ambiguity means that, when Lenu and Lila descend into a dark cellar to retrieve their lost dolls, the viewer doesn’t know whether to anticipate a jump scare or unresolved, uneasy suspense. (The answer: a little of both.)
The show seems to want its viewers to be uncomfortable. Lenu and Lila’s world is saturated with violence, and Costanzo, although not sensationalistic, does not shy away from blood or broken bones. As a young “bad” girl, Lila argues with her father about schooling; he throws her out of a window. She antagonizes a classmate, who then strikes her in the face with a rock. Ferrante relays many of these incidents flatly. After skipping class to walk to the ocean with Lila, Lenu coolly recounts, “At night my mother reported everything to my father and compelled him to beat me. He was irritated; he didn’t want to, and they ended up fighting. First he hit her, then, angry at himself, he gave me a beating.” It is easier to read these sentences than it is to watch the events they describe. (This is, in part, owing to Elisa Del Genio’s sympathetic performance as Lenu, shy and sweetly grave.) Yet the more visceral evocations of brutality feel in keeping with Ferrante’s vision. The author has written a passionately domestic novel, one that insists on the intimate nature of violence. In minimizing her abuse on the page, Lenu reveals the matter-of-factness with which she absorbs and internalizes the tumult around her. Costanzo’s adaptation allows us to observe everyday cruelty with our own eyes, and it retains its power to shock.
The phrases “I suffered” and “she suffered” crop up frequently in the Neapolitan novels, and Costanzo is pitiless in presenting the characters’ emotional pain. One episode features a seemingly endless shot of the neighborhood madwoman keening because the man she loves is moving away. She throws a stream of objects out of her window: a plate, a clothes iron, a vase filled with flowers. Lenu, Lila, and the other girls look on tearfully—a ghetto-wide holiday of misery. (This episode is given only a few sentences in the book.) In another, more impressionistic scene, the children—now teen-agers—are setting off fireworks from a rooftop, competing with a second group of kids over who can unleash greater chaos. As Lila’s brother shouts obscenities at his rivals, the camera sweeps close to Lila’s stricken face and then across the smoky, hazy vantage. The spectral figures of the other teens are visible in bursts of sparks. One waits for the voice-over, which transfigures the commotion into a portrait of war. Such precision can be a welcome counterpart to the lyrical open-endedness of the show’s imagery; it simply adds a metaphorical layer.
Ferrante’s language has materiality—an animal rawness, a floral prettiness (especially when Elena, naïve and polite, slips Lila’s influence), a mineral strangeness. Costanzo’s direction is appropriately sensual. The miniseries captures the book’s boldness, bringing an ominous carnality to the conversations between Lila and her suitors. But sometimes it smooths out contradictions. For example, a representative flow of events in the novel goes like this: Lenu tells Lila that she earned top marks on her exam and will study classical languages in high school. Lila tells Lenu that she got her period. The Solara brothers pull up in their flashy new car and begin to flirt aggressively with the girls. One of the boys breaks Lenu’s bracelet as he grabs her wrist. Lila presses a knife to his throat. In the show, these facts are given firm interpretations that slick them into a satisfying dramatic arc. Gaia Girace’s Lila seems proud of Lenu’s academic achievement; she appears to decide, somewhat sadly, to entrust her friend with both of their intellectual aspirations. As if to fortify her bond with Lenu by divulging something personal and significant, she shares that she has begun to menstruate. Then, with the responsibilities and perils of womanhood fluttering unseen in the air around them, Lila defends both herself and her surrogate and friend, Lenu, from the Solaras’ advances. In the book, nothing is so simple. Ferrante declines to explain why any character behaves the way he or she does. Perhaps Lila fights the boys out of loyalty to Lenu, whom she views as an extension of herself, or perhaps jealousy prompts her to transform an interaction that is potentially flattering for her friend into an angry struggle. Perhaps the display of toughness is for the Solaras’ benefit, or perhaps it is for Lenu’s. At the end of the scene, the novel equivocates further when Lenu defensively protests to Lila, “I was crying because of the bracelet, not because I was scared.”
Not all of Costanzo’s interventions soften the jagged edges of the girls’ relationship. After she convinces Lenu to skip school and walk with her to the ocean, Lila suddenly decides to turn back; the show frames her erratic behavior as a manipulative attempt to get Lenu in trouble. In the book, Lenu entertains that possibility, but Ferrante also uses Lila’s change of heart to introduce a more profound distinction between the two children. “I, despite the rain, would have continued on the road, I felt far from everything and everyone, and distance—I discovered for the first time—extinguished in me every tie and every worry,” Lenu says. But Lila “had given up the sea, she had wanted to return to the confines of the neighborhood.” In the course of the quartet, Lila becomes more and more the girl who gives up the sea, who stays in Naples, whereas Lenu finds increasing freedom in flight. That the show breezes over this early expression of the protagonists’ essential natures is a loss.
Those who see the Neapolitan novels as works of autofiction tend to connect Lenu with Ferrante, because Lenu is the narrator and the author’s namesake. But Ferrante, who famously publishes under a pseudonym, writes the way Lila might. What’s more, she shares Lila’s desire to disappear. (As “My Brilliant Friend” opens, Lila has vanished, and Lenu begins transcribing her story out of fury.) The adaptation of “My Brilliant Friend” is faithful to its source material. It sets down the facts and mood beautifully. It evinces a vehement and entranced understanding of the singular creation that inspired it, and yet something about its diligence feels misspent. Ferrante’s books are originals. A portion of their contradictory, elusive energy is lost without the psychological precision that literature makes possible. There is a Lenu-like quality to how the series follows in the novel’s footsteps, how it tries to bring its own strengths to bear but ends up six years old again and spellbound.
El fin de semana de A Coruña se presenta movidito, Marta Ortega y Carlos Torretta celebran su boda durante dos jornadas cargadas de sorpresas y también paparazzis. La celebración despierta muchísimo interés, ya que la novia es la heredera de uno de los grupos de moda más importantes del mundo. Hoy ha tenido lugar a las 13:00 horas la boda civil en la casa familiar del Paseo de la Dársena, donde se han dado cita los familiares más cercanos, entre los que no podían faltar la madre y hermana del novio.
La sobriedad y sencillez de la familia Ortega se ha hecho extensiva también al look de la madre del novio. En esta ocasión se ha decantado por un vestido asimétrico de color azul marino con un hombro descubierto y manga francesa con un estilo muy Torretta. Lo que más nos ha gustado de su look ha sido el clutch que ha elegido para la ocasión, el modelo Knot de Bottega Veneta que se puede encontrar a partir de 1.400 euros.
La diseñadora ha escogido un traje ideal de color gris claro con unas asimetrías sobre el típico sastre masculino realmente estiloso. Lo ha combinado con una camiseta de algodón básica y un pequeño broche en una de las solapas en forma de flor. Un look también bastante sobrio, pero con un toque chic que nos encanta.